Update: 2016-01-31 10:19 PM -0500

TIL

Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar and Dictionary

i02original.htm

by Franklin Edgerton (1885–1963), Sterling Professor of Sanskrit and Comparative Philology, Yale University, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Ltd., Delhi, 1st ed. New Haven, 1953. ISBN: 81 208-0998-x (Vol. 1), ISBN: 81 208-0997 (Set of 2 books).

Scanned from the original book by Dr. Zin Tun, up to p009, and digitized by Daw Khin Wutyi. From p010 onwards, Daw Khin Wutyi has typed from the original book which I (U Kyaw Tun) have brought with me on my trip from DeepRiver to Yangon where Daw Khin Wutyi is based. This TIL edition is edited, with additions from other sources, by U Kyaw Tun (UKT) (M.S., I.P.S.T., USA) and staff of Tun Institute of Learning (TIL) . Not for sale. No copyright. Free for everyone. Prepared for students and staff of TIL Research Station, Yangon, MYANMAR :  http://www.tuninst.net , www.romabama.blogspot.com

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BHS-indx

Contents of this page 

1. INTRODUCTION
An 'original language' of Buddhism

 

Edgerton notes
Edgerton's footnotes are continuously numbered without any reference to pages. However for this TIL edition, I have given the page numbers as well. Thus fn001-02 means, it is footnote #02 found on p001, and fn003-07 is footnote #07 found on p003.
p003-07  • p003-08  • p003-09
p004-10  • p004-11

 

UKT notes 
Ambalatthika-rahulovada Sutta : Instructions to Rahula at Mango Stone
Bharhut inscriptions : {Ba.ra.hoat}

 

Contents of this page

1. INTRODUCTION
An 'original language' of Buddhism

(p002c2-cont)

1.14. In what sense, then, is it possible to assume one 'original language' of Buddhism?

1.15. The Buddha himself was an 'easterner'; his family lived at Kapilavastu, in northeastern Kosala (Oudh); his wanderings seem to have been chiefly bounded on the west by Srāvastī (also in Kosala, tho considerably to the west of Kapilavastu) and on the east by Rājagrha, the capital of Magadha (Bihar south of the Ganges). All this region belongs linguistically to what is now called modern Bihari (except that Srāvastī may perhaps be just over the line in Eastern Hindi). Doubtless most of his disciples belonged to the same general region, and we may assume that, during the Buddha's lifetime, the Buddhist texts were mainly, at least, recited in eastern dialects. Yet no one knows just what dialect the Buddha spoke; and it seems clear that the dialects of his disciples differed perceptibly.

UKT 140322: Edgerton's remark " no one knows just what dialect the Buddha spoke" does not make sense. Does he mean the L1 of Buddha? His father the king might have carried on the official business using Sanskrit, but with his queens and his servants he would have spoken a Prakrit. Since the place was Magadha, the Prakrit is unquestionably Magadhi Prakrit . This Prakrit, I contend had been brought into northern Myanmarpré since the days of King Abhiraza, when he came to Tagaung who had lived long before Gautama Buddha. People have been travelling through mountain passes between Magadha and Tagaung continuously throughout history. Thus, Pali spoken by Bur-Myan monks and nuns is "almost" the same as the mother tongue of the Buddha. The present day Pal-Myan had become mixed up with the dialects brought over by Sri Lankan monks thanks to the religious reformation of King Anawrahta in the 11th century AD.

But where did the Buddha spend most of the time? According to Edgerton's note fn003-08 Buddha spent most of his time outside Magadha. Yet, his audience would be common folks who were not given to inflexions - the favorite of the Sanskrit speakers. He would have aimed to pass on the underlying meaning of his teachings - not the surface meanings given in our present-day dictionaries.

1.16. According to Buddhist tradition, shortly after the Master's death his chief followers met and tried to establish what we may call an approach to a canon, based on recitations of texts which they remembered. These, and in time other texts, were memorized and handed down by oral tradition, doubtless for centuries before writing came to be used for such purposes. This 'canon', at first vague and fluid, surely included narrations of the main events of the Buddha's life, and may sayings and sermons, in both verses and prose, which were attributed to him and set forth his principal doctrines; as well as rules for the life of his monkish followers. Other councils, one under Asoka, were convened, which discussed the form and content of the canon.

1.17. Even from the beginning of this tradition, different dialects were used in these recitations, varying with the speech-habits of different monkish reciters. We have seen that such apparently was the custom during the Buddha's lifetime, and that he approved it and rejected any standardization. [UKT ¶]

And as Buddhism spread, the texts certainly tended to become adapted in language to the vernaculars of regions to which they were brought by missionaries. This, too, was in accord with the Buddha's own instructions, In early days the adaptation was easy, and did not necessarily involve what we should dignify by the name 'translation', Northern and central Indian dialects are predominantly Indo-aryan, historically related to Sanskrit, even to this day. [UKT ¶]

UKT 140518: Edgerton was too hasty to conclude that "northern and central Indian dialects are predominantly Indo-Aryan", when they could very well be Tibeto-Burman. Here I must note that from the number of hymns directed to Vedic deities, the Indo-Aryan déva - Vishnu - seems to be a minor god. See Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rigvedic_deities 140518

In late pre-Christian centuries the ancestors of these modern dialects were in the Middle Indic stage. They were still quite close to each other in (p002c2end-p003c1begin)  sounds and grammatical forms, and not too distant from their common mother tongue, which we may call 'Sanskrit', using that word in a way which Sanskritists will recognize as somewhat untechnical. [UKT ¶]

UKT 140518: See - lang-probl.htm (link chk 140518)

"anujānāmi bhikkhave sakāya niruttiyā buddhavacanam pariyā punitum"

So, the Buddha's injunction to make use of local dialects could be carried out with little conscious effort, in many cases. If not the missionary, at least his converts, in repeating the memorized lessons, would make the phonetic and morphological changes called for by the local vernacular, pretty much automatically, altho _ N.B. ! _ we should not be surprised if we find a lack of complete consistency. In places which became thriving centers of Buddhist propaganda, there would in time tend to develop and increasingly crystallized cannon, in a language based primarily on the local dialect.

1.18. This is not mere speculation. There is much evidence suggesting the one-time existence of Buddhist texts in a number of different ancient Middle Indic dialects, even tho such texts are actually preserved only in two or three. In an important article of 1912, (fn003-07) Sylvain Lévi showed this on the basis of essentially two types of evidence: first, aberrant (dialectically foreign) forms in Pali, and forms which seem aberrant in BHS (where lack of a formulated standard has made it harder to be sure what to call 'aberrant'); and secondly, proper names and other words occurring in titles and scraps of phraseology in Aśoka's inscriptions, and in other pre-Christian inscriptions like those of Bharhut, which allude to Buddhist literature.

UKT 140304: We should expect to find stone inscriptions predating those of Asoka, as far back as the Indus-Saraswati civilization. They may not be elegant like those of Asoka, but they would still indicate that there was script to record speech. The inscriptions found at Bharhu is such an example. See my note on Bharhut Inscription .

1.19. Illustrations of the first kind of evidence could be multiplied. By way of further illustration of Lévi's point, I may note BHS khāyati , Pali ppp. khāyita- , for Skt. (and normal Pali and BHS) khād- 'eat' ; and Prakritic causatives in -āveti (for regular -āpeti or -āpayati ), sporadically in Pali and BHS (§§ 38.68 ff.) But since most Prakrits show loss of most intervocalic stops, and change of intervocalic p to v , these and the analogous cases cited by Lévi certainly prove no 'eastern' influence.

UKT 140304; "change of intervocalic p to v ", means the change of bilabial /p/ to labio-dental /v/. I have read somewhere that there was only bilabial sounds in the Indic languages long before Panini. The new-comers, the IE speakers have mostly labio-dental sounds and they changed the /p/ to /v/. It is to be noted that Bur-Myan do not have labio-dental sounds.

1.20. Some of the words cited by Lévi from early inscriptions lend more support to his conclusion (p.511) that the (Buddhist Hybrid) Sanskrti and Pali canons are 'the late heirs of an older tradition, recited or redacted in a dialect now lost' which (if I understand Lévi correctly) was 'one of the languages of the land of Magadha.'(fn003-08)

1.21. I recognize the interest and value of Lévi's linguistic comparisons drawn from early inscriptions, and admit that some of them point towards the east, as indeed we should expect. Yet the most striking impression they make on me is their great variety. They most emphatically suggest lack of any dialectic agreement.

1.22. Take Lāghula  = Rāhula  (fn003-09); l  for r  does indeed agree with Māgadhī, but gh  for h  is not normal to any Prakrit; it seems to be a hyper-Sanskritism. So, cy  for ty in adhigicya  is wholly isolated in Middle Indic. Lévi makes much of the ya-śruti  in avayesi  (p. 497) = Pali avādesi ; but neither Mg. nor A Mg. nor any Prakrit recorded by Pischel (187) has the ya-śruti  before e ; it is, to be sure, perhaps found in the old fragments of Buddhist dramas published by Lūders, Kl. Skt. Texte I, in the dialect which Lūders considers 'old AMg.' ( bhumjitaye , inf., p.39; but the origin of the ending is not entirely clear, cf. Lűders, p. 40 with n. 3). Most of Lévi's examples are widely, if not (p003c1end-p003c2begin) almost universally, found in Prakrits of all regions; or if not that, they are largely isolated, without clear parallels anywhere, like the forms just noted. In either case they do not help in defining geographically the dialect where they originated.

1.23. Lüders (op. cit. p. 41) believed that an 'old form' of Ardha-Māgadhi was the Buddha's native dialect, and also the language of the Buddhist canon in its oldest form. But he offered, in this place at least, no real linguistic evidence; only an expression of the opinion that 'Ardhamā-gadhisms in the Pali canon, which in verses were not so easy to delete in rendering into Pali, are probably much more numerous than has heretofore been assumed.'

UKT 140523: I have been trying to find who this Lüders was. All I could find so far was he was Heinrich Lüders (1869-1943) a German Orientalist and Indologist. -- Source Wikipedia.

UKT 140324: Hiän-lin Dschi mentioned below is Chi Hisen-lin (1911-2009) aka  Ji Xianlin (季羡林) author of Language Problem of Primitive Buddhism , Journal of the Burma Research Society , XLIII, i, June 1960 . - lang-probl.htm

Buddha concluded his speech to the errant monks :


«anujānāmi bhikkhave sakāya niruttiyā buddhavacanam pariyā punitum », translated as :

"Bhikkhus, you are not allowed to express the Buddha's words in Sanskrit. Those who act contrarily will be considered as having committed the offence of Dukkata {doak~ka.Ta.}." 

The bone of contention is "Buddha's words" {ni.roat~ti.ya boad~Da. wa.sa.nän} «niruttiyā buddhavacanam». Does it  mean the original language of Buddhism ? If so then what is the Original Language ?

1.24. Hiän-lin Dschi also believes that 'Old Ardha-Māgadhī ' was the 'original' language of the Buddhist canon (NAWGött. ph.-hist. K1. 1944, 136, and especially ib. 1949, 269 ff.). He advances five arguments based on allegedly 'eastern' forms in BHS, specifically in Mv, viz.:

1.25. First, voc. pl. in -āho. This is found not only in Mg. (note: not in AMg.1), but also, as -aho, -ahu, in Apabhramśa (all varieties, and specifically in Western Ap., in all periods; cf. BSOS 8.512; Tagare, Hist. Gr. of Ap., 138 ff.). The short a is, of course, obviously a secondary shortening in Ap. This disproves the exclusively 'eastern' character of the ending.

1.26. Second, 'meistens ist vor eva ein y eingeschoben.' The form yeva after vowels, and sometimes after anusvāra, is extremely common in Pali, where it has every appearance of being a native form. It is much less common than eva, even after vowels, in Mv, and I have noted it in no other BHS work. Since it agrees with Pali, it is certainly no proof of 'eastern' connexions; and AMg. is reported to lack it (unless, perhaps, in the altered form je, Pischel 336), tho it is found in Mg.

UKT 140322: In the following 1.27 , aṃ  is Bur-Myan & Pal-Myan {þé:þé:ting}. It is  Latin Small Letter M With Dot Below U+1E43. Need to check.

1.27. Third, the alleged 1st (and 3d) sg. opt. ending-eham (-eha). On this see §§ 31.21, 22, where I discuss all the cases which can with any shadow of plausibility be assumed as verb forms. Dschi does not cite all those treated by me, but cites in addition dadeha Mv iii, 46.14 (vs) and upanayehaṃ 82.14 (vs); these are certainly to be read dade 'ha (= ahaṃ ; denasalization m.c.) and upanaye 'haṃ (for which, incidentally, the mss. read upanaye ; ham is Senart's emendation, tho it may well be right). Many of the others are textually-doubtful. Some certainly contain the pronoun (a)ham . If the ending -eha(ṃ) has any real existence, which seems to me somewhat questionable, I believe it should be regarded as a future, not an optative. The Aśokan forms seem more likely to be real than any in Mv; they are not exclusively found in the eastern versions, tho the western occurrences are customarily explained by the facile assumption of 'Māgadhism'. In summary: it is doubtful whether BHS has a verbal ending-eha(ṃ) at all; If it does exit, it is probably a future, not an optative; and there is no good reason for regarding it as 'eastern'.

1.28. Fourth, -āvo  for  -āyo  (§§ 1.84; 9.93). Dschi's note 7 on p. 271 fails to convince me that the replacement of y by v should be regarded as an 'easternism'. Most of the cases he cites, like the 3 pl. opt. ending -vu  for -yuḥ , are not good parallels to āvo  for āyo , since the following (p003c2end-p004c1begin) vowel u  may be suspected of responsibility for the change of y to v , a change which by the way is familiar in Pali (e.g. āvuso ) and elsewhere. But -āvo for -āyo can hardly be due to assimilation to the following o . Dschi himself notes that interchange between y and v is widespread, if sporadic, from very ancient times. Cf. § 2.31; Vedic Variants II §§ 246 ff.; note the preference of the Taittirīya school for v as against y of other texts. There is no good reason for assigning the change of y to v to any one region. Such a change before a following u-vowel should be distinguished from that before other vowels.

UKT 140324: What is Taittirīya school mentioned above? Surfing the Net with the string "Taittirīya school" brought up : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taittiriya_Upanishad 140324
"The Taittiriya Upanishad describes the various degrees of happiness enjoyed by the different beings in creation. [1]
   "The text of the Taittriya Upanishad is a compilation of the late Vedic, pre-Buddhist genre. The date of composition is not known but is considered to be circa 6th or 5th century BCE. [2]
   My study of BEPS languages using Romabama as the intermediary script has convinced me that IE speakers and Tib-Bur speakers use different dialects because of their use of different sets of vocal muscles. Linguists such as Edgerton and Chi Hisen-lin are arguing without much substance when they fail to take into account the scripts of such languages. My contention is aksharas of the scripts give us some idea of pronunciation. Moreover, Tib-Bur languages, exemplified by Bur-Myan are free or almost free of inflexions, numbers, and tense, and to argue without taking this cultural difference is meaningless.

The next point I would like to raise in connection with the above para is the akshara v ? Is it labio-dental? It was said be absent in India before the IE speakers came in. Instead of it the akshara was w ? However, we cannot say that all the v 's were w 's because there is a mix up with b in Skt-Dev.

1.29. Fifth, the form hoti  for bhavati , which Dschi, following Michelson, calls a 'Māgadhism' . Michelson's only reason was that while hoti  occurs in all Aśokan dialects, bhoti  and bhavati  occurs in all Aśokan . The form hoti  (note that it is much rarer than bhoti  in BHS! Chap. 43, s.v. bhū  2) is, of course, extremely common in Pali, and its equivalents are equally common in most Prakrits . It is general Middle Indic, and is obviously the form originally proper to enclitic use after vowels; intervocalic bh  become h , e.g. in the instr. plur. ending -hi  from -bhi (s) in all Aśokan dialects. The other form, bhavati  or bhoti , persisted by the side of hoti  in most, perhaps all, M Indic dialects; its popularity in some late forms of Pkt. may be due, in part, to Skt. influence. But it certainly persisted in Māgadhī and AMg. long after the time of Aśoka. According to Pischel 475 bhavai  etc. is common in AMg.; the opt. bhave  (1 sg. also bhaveaṃ ) is the only opt. known in Mg., which also knows a present bhavāmi  and other forms based on the stem bhava- . In view of all this, how is it possible to take hoti  as a 'Māgadhism', simply because, in the Aśokan inscriptions, bh-  forms happen to occur only in the west (along with h- forms, be it noted)? The evidence of later Mg. and AMg. shows that the absence of bh- forms in the few eastern Aśokan occurrences can only be accidental.

1.30. To me, the opinion of Lin Li-kouang (Aide-mémoire 227-8) seems much sounder. He asks:

Is it probable, however, that the Buddhists ever used one sole language, even in the oldest times? Considering the pliant and liberal spirit which they always showed in regard to the use of languages, we may well ask whether there did not exist, from very early times [I would say, 'from the lifetime of the Buddha', as shown above], a multiplicity of Buddhist languages, Māgadhī being only one of them ... Why not assume that other centers of ancient Buddhism, Vaiśālī, Kauśāmbī, Mathurā, Ujjayinī, and others, also had their own special dialects, which served as sacred  (p004c1end-p004c2begin) languages for the communities established in these centers, according to the principle which the canonical texts expressly set down that Buddhist communities should adopt the local dialects?

1.31. Only this theory seems to me to account reasonably for the facts. The languages we know as Pali, BHS, and the Prakrit of the ms. Dutreuil de Rhins, all originated in such local dialects where Buddhist communities were settled. At least these three developed something approaching 'canons'. Many more such local canons may well have existed. A dim reflection of this condition may be seen in the early inscriptions treated by Lévi, l. c. (fn004-10) .

1.32. Since in all such cases the 'canon' was originally brought by missionaries from outside, we should expect to find traces of 'foreign' dialects, in other words some dialect mixture, in any extensive canonical collection. So we do, in Pali and BHS. [UKT ¶]

Since according to tradition the Buddha and many of his leading disciples were easterners, it is not strange that some sporadic forms in Pali seem, or have been assumed, to resemble Māgadhī, or Ardha-Māgadhī; but I think their importance has been exaggerated. [UKT ¶]

UKT 140409: The above statement confirms the basis of my argument that the Buddha spoke in a speech, Māgadhī, or Ardha-Māgadhī. Since, the home of the Buddha, and the area in which he preached is the present day Bihar from which you can walk to Assam and Manipur and then into Myanmarpré, the Pal-Myan used by the Myanmar Buddhist monks is the same or almost the same as the language of Buddha. We do not have to assume as most of the present-day scholars are inserting that the language was brought into Myanmarpré from SriLanka or southern-India through the Mon-Myan speakers of southern Myanmarpré.

To me what the modern-day scholars, those within our own country and outside, are saying amounts to a premise that the people of northern Myanmarpré were savages without a script and speech right down to the British Annexation, and it was the British colonialist to "liberate" the savages. The British colonialist were justified to imprison the harsh king Thibaw and his notorious queen "Soup-plate". See John Jardine's Introduction to The Burmese Empire a hundred years ago - by Father Sangermano, 1833 -- sang-j-indx.htm (link chk 140409)

What Myanmar-Buddhist monks and nuns are using, the thibilant non-rhotic Pali, is the language of the founder the Gautama Buddha. The International Pali, the SriLankan Pali, and the Thai Pali with their hissing sibilant rhotic accents are NOT how the Buddha would have spoken

There are a goodly number of Pali substitutions of l  for older r , which is regular in Mg. but also found, at least occasionally, in many other dialects (Pischel 256-7), and even in Sanskrit. (The BHS occurrences of l  for r  are balanced by a substantial number of r  for l . Standard Skt. show this shift in both directions.) Otherwise there is in Pali the notorious but only very sporadic substitution of e  for o (Skt. as; by morphological extension also for am). Similar, and equally sporadic, forms occur in BHS.(fn004-11) Other 'Prakritisms' in Pali, to the best of my knowledge, cannot be localized as to origin. (p004c2cut for next file)

 

Contents of this page

Edgerton Footnote

Edgerton's footnotes are continuously numbered without any reference to pages. However for this TIL edition, I have given the page numbers as well. Thus fn001-02 means, it is footnote #02 found on p001, and fn003-07 is footnote #07 found on p003.

fn003-07. JAs. 1912, II, 495-512, Observations sur une langue précanonique du Bouddhisme. - fn003-07b

fn003-08. Surely this is geographically too narrow, in any case. Neither the Buddha's original home (Kapilavastu), nor Śrāvastī, one of his favorite dwelling places, nor Benares, where he preached his first sermon and stayed at other times, nor Kuśinagarī (Pali Kusinārā), the place of his death, was in Magadha. - fn003-08b

fn003-09. Lāghulovāde musāvādaṃ adhigicya , in the Aśokan edict called by Lévi that of Bhabra, now known as that of Calcutta-Bairāṭ, Hultzsch, Iscr. of Asoka, xxv, or of Bairāṭ Bhābrū, Mehendale, Hist. Gram. of Inscriptional Prakrits, Poona, 1948, ix: 'the admonition to Rāhula concerning falsehood' (referring to the text known in Pali as Sutta 61 of MN). Lāghula for Rāhula is quite unparalleled elsewhere; and adhigicya  for Skt. adḥikṛtya shows an apparently unique cy for ty (no other case in Mehendale). - fn003-09b

UKT 140324: Those who would like to know what Sutta 61 of MN is refer to PTS: M i 414.
Alternatively look into http://www.accesstoinsight.org/tipitaka/mn/mn.061.than.html 140324
" Ambalatthika-rahulovada Sutta: Instructions to Rahula at Mango Stone , translated from the Pali by Thanissaro Bhikkhu " . See in my note amba-rahulo

fn004-10. In later times (see Lin Li-kouang, op. cit., 176-187; 194-216) Tibetan traditions attribute to various Buddhist schools the use of 'Sanskrit' (which means BHS as Lin shows), and other Indic dialects (apparently meaning Prakrit, Apabhraśa, and Paiśācī). The historic meaning and value of these statements is doubtful, and in any case they are not directly relevant here. The Chinese traditions of Buddhist schools (op. cit. 188-194) seem to say nothing about their languages. (Corrections to Lin: p.169, last line, tajjakriyā KP 105.8 = taà-ja° , not for Skt. tarja° ; p. 199, prayoya Bbh 19.1 is certainly a mere misprint for prayoga .) fn004-10b

fn004-11. The ending e , instead of o  (Skt. as ) and a , is now known to occur in other than eastern MIndic. [UKT ¶]

UKT 140309: What Edgerton is describing as "there is in Pali the notorious but only very sporadic substitution of e  {É} for o and a " is what I am going after. In order to understand it we have to go at least into:

¤ 1. the phonology of Bur-Myan in the BEPS (Burmese, English, Pali, &Sanskrit speeches written in Myanmar, IPA-English, & Devanagari scripts).

¤ 2. The paucity of nasals in English and Sanskrit (IE languages).

¤ 3. The differentiation between vowel-letters and vowel-signs in Devanagari and Myanmar aksharas.

First, extensively in the far west and northwest: in the Kharoṣhī Pkt. inscriptions (Konow, CII Vol. II pt. 1, see esp. cxii; Mehendale 314 n. 28: in certain districts o  for masc. a-stems, e  for nt.; west of the Indus, for the most part, e  thruout); see also Burrow, Kharohī Documents, § 12. [UKT ¶]

Secondly, in the Prakrit inscriptions of Ceylon (Mehendale 134, note 61; Ep. Zeyl. I, 20.7, 62.2; leṇe  'cave', (p004fnc1end-p004fnc2begin ) passim, = Skt. layanam , Pali and AMg. leṇa ); here too the evidence seems to indicate the e  was the regular ending of masc. and nt. a-stems, n. and acc. sg. Further-more, e  for these same forms occurs in early Pkt. inscriptions found in every part of India, including west (Karle, Nasik: Mehendale 87-88), center (Meh. 172-173, e.g. Sanchi); and south (Meh. 135). In most of these regions, to be sure, e  is not the favored or standard form; but this can be said just as truly of Pali or BHS. As in these languages, the inscriptional forms in e  are no doubt largely due to dialect mixture. In the case of Pali and BHS, it may be that they are indeed borrowed from an eastern dialect. But the e-forms are so widespread in inscriptions that caution seems called for. They are not distinctive. [UKT ¶]

As far as Pali is concerned, I do not know that it shows much, if anything, that is truly distinctive in common with Mg. or AMg. And this is certainly true of BHS. - fn004-11b

 

Contents of this page

UKT notes

Ambalatthika-rahulovada Sutta

Instructions to Rahula at Mango Stone

- translated from the Pali by Thanissaro Bhikkhu © 2006
- http://www.accesstoinsight.org/tipitaka/mn/mn.061.than.html 140407

The following is for those, who like me, UKT, who must know something of the original Pali text starting with Evaṃ me sutaṃ 'thus, I have heard' :

Ambalaṭṭhika1 rāhulovāda suttaṃ
from: http://www.accesstoinsight.org/tipitaka/sltp/MN_I_utf8.html#pts.414 140407

Evaṃ me sutaṃ. Ekaṃ samayaṃ bhagavā rājagahe viharati veluvane kalandakanivāpe. Tena kho pana samayena āyasmā rāhulo ambalaṭṭhikāyaṃ viharati. Atha kho bhagavā sāyanhasamayaṃ patisallānā vuṭṭhito yena ambalaṭṭhikā yenāyasmā rāhulo tenupasaṅkami. Addasā kho āyasmā rāhulo bhagavantaṃ dūratova āgacchantaṃ. Disvāna āsanaṃ paññāpesi2 udakañca pādānaṃ. Nisīdi bhagavā paññatte āsane. Nisajja pāde pakkhālesi. Āyasmāpi kho rāhulo bhagavantaṃ abhivādetvā ekamantaṃ nisīdi.

... ... ...

Ambalaṭṭhika rāhulovāda suttaṃ paṭhamaṃ.

I have heard that on one occasion the Blessed One was staying near Rajagaha, at the Bamboo Grove, the Squirrels' Feeding Ground.

At that time Ven. Rahula [translat-01] was staying at the Mango Stone. Then the Blessed One, arising from his seclusion in the late afternoon, went to where Ven. Rahula was staying at the Mango Stone. Ven. Rahula saw him coming from afar and, on seeing him, set out a seat & water for washing the feet. The Blessed One sat down on the seat set out and, having sat down, washed his feet. Ven. Rahula, bowing down to the Blessed One, sat to one side.

Then the Blessed One, having left a little bit of water in the water dipper, said to Ven. Rahula, "Rahula, do you see this little bit of left-over water remaining in the water dipper?"

"Yes, sir."

"That's how little of a contemplative [translat-02] there is in anyone who feels no shame at telling a deliberate lie."

Having tossed away the little bit of left-over water, the Blessed One said to Ven. Rahula, "Rahula, do you see how this little bit of left-over water is tossed away?"

"Yes, sir."

"Rahula, whatever there is of a contemplative in anyone who feels no shame at telling a deliberate lie is tossed away just like that."

Having turned the water dipper upside down, the Blessed One said to Ven. Rahula, "Rahula, do you see how this water dipper is turned upside down?"

"Yes, sir."

"Rahula, whatever there is of a contemplative in anyone who feels no shame at telling a deliberate lie is turned upside down just like that."

Having turned the water dipper right-side up, the Blessed One said to Ven. Rahula, "Rahula, do you see how empty & hollow this water dipper is?"

"Yes, sir."

"Rahula, whatever there is of a contemplative in anyone who feels no shame at telling a deliberate lie is empty & hollow just like that.

"Rahula, it's like a royal elephant: immense, pedigreed, accustomed to battles, its tusks like chariot poles. Having gone into battle, it uses its forefeet & hindfeet, its forequarters & hindquarters, its head & ears & tusks & tail, but keeps protecting its trunk. The elephant trainer notices that and thinks, 'This royal elephant has not given up its life to the king.' But when the royal elephant... having gone into battle, uses its forefeet & hindfeet, its forequarters & hindquarters, its head & ears & tusks & tail & his trunk, the trainer notices that and thinks, 'This royal elephant has given up its life to the king. There is nothing it will not do.'

"In the same way, Rahula, when anyone feels no shame in telling a deliberate lie, there is no evil, I tell you, he will not do. Thus, Rahula, you should train yourself, 'I will not tell a deliberate lie even in jest.'

"What do you think, Rahula: What is a mirror for?"

"For reflection, sir."

"In the same way, Rahula, bodily actions, verbal actions, & mental actions are to be done with repeated reflection.

"Whenever you want to do a bodily action, you should reflect on it: 'This bodily action I want to do — would it lead to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both? Would it be an unskillful bodily action, with painful consequences, painful results?' If, on reflection, you know that it would lead to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both; it would be an unskillful bodily action with painful consequences, painful results, then any bodily action of that sort is absolutely unfit for you to do. But if on reflection you know that it would not cause affliction... it would be a skillful bodily action with pleasant consequences, pleasant results, then any bodily action of that sort is fit for you to do.

"While you are doing a bodily action, you should reflect on it: 'This bodily action I am doing — is it leading to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both? Is it an unskillful bodily action, with painful consequences, painful results?' If, on reflection, you know that it is leading to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both... you should give it up. But if on reflection you know that it is not... you may continue with it.

"Having done a bodily action, you should reflect on it: 'This bodily action I have done — did it lead to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both? Was it an unskillful bodily action, with painful consequences, painful results?' If, on reflection, you know that it led to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both; it was an unskillful bodily action with painful consequences, painful results, then you should confess it, reveal it, lay it open to the Teacher or to a knowledgeable companion in the holy life. Having confessed it... you should exercise restraint in the future. But if on reflection you know that it did not lead to affliction... it was a skillful bodily action with pleasant consequences, pleasant results, then you should stay mentally refreshed & joyful, training day & night in skillful mental qualities.

"Whenever you want to do a verbal action, you should reflect on it: 'This verbal action I want to do — would it lead to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both? Would it be an unskillful verbal action, with painful consequences, painful results?' If, on reflection, you know that it would lead to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both; it would be an unskillful verbal action with painful consequences, painful results, then any verbal action of that sort is absolutely unfit for you to do. But if on reflection you know that it would not cause affliction... it would be a skillful verbal action with pleasant consequences, pleasant results, then any verbal action of that sort is fit for you to do.

"While you are doing a verbal action, you should reflect on it: 'This verbal action I am doing — is it leading to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both? Is it an unskillful verbal action, with painful consequences, painful results?' If, on reflection, you know that it is leading to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both... you should give it up. But if on reflection you know that it is not... you may continue with it.

"Having done a verbal action, you should reflect on it: 'This verbal action I have done — did it lead to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both? Was it an unskillful verbal action, with painful consequences, painful results?' If, on reflection, you know that it led to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both; it was an unskillful verbal action with painful consequences, painful results, then you should confess it, reveal it, lay it open to the Teacher or to a knowledgeable companion in the holy life. Having confessed it... you should exercise restraint in the future. But if on reflection you know that it did not lead to affliction... it was a skillful verbal action with pleasant consequences, pleasant results, then you should stay mentally refreshed & joyful, training day & night in skillful mental qualities.

"Whenever you want to do a mental action, you should reflect on it: 'This mental action I want to do — would it lead to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both? Would it be an unskillful mental action, with painful consequences, painful results?' If, on reflection, you know that it would lead to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both; it would be an unskillful mental action with painful consequences, painful results, then any mental action of that sort is absolutely unfit for you to do. But if on reflection you know that it would not cause affliction... it would be a skillful mental action with pleasant consequences, pleasant results, then any mental action of that sort is fit for you to do.

"While you are doing a mental action, you should reflect on it: 'This mental action I am doing — is it leading to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both? Is it an unskillful mental action, with painful consequences, painful results?' If, on reflection, you know that it is leading to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both... you should give it up. But if on reflection you know that it is not... you may continue with it.

"Having done a mental action, you should reflect on it: 'This mental action I have done — did it lead to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both? Was it an unskillful mental action, with painful consequences, painful results?' If, on reflection, you know that it led to self-affliction, to the affliction of others, or to both; it was an unskillful mental action with painful consequences, painful results, then you should feel distressed, ashamed, & disgusted with it. Feeling distressed, ashamed, & disgusted with it, you should exercise restraint in the future. But if on reflection you know that it did not lead to affliction... it was a skillful mental action with pleasant consequences, pleasant results, then you should stay mentally refreshed & joyful, training day & night in skillful mental qualities.

"Rahula, all those brahmans & contemplatives in the course of the past who purified their bodily actions, verbal actions, & mental actions, did it through repeated reflection on their bodily actions, verbal actions, & mental actions in just this way.

"All those brahmans & contemplatives in the course of the future who will purify their bodily actions, verbal actions, & mental actions, will do it through repeated reflection on their bodily actions, verbal actions, & mental actions in just this way.

"All those brahmans & contemplatives at present who purify their bodily actions, verbal actions, & mental actions, do it through repeated reflection on their bodily actions, verbal actions, & mental actions in just this way.

"Thus, Rahula, you should train yourself: 'I will purify my bodily actions through repeated reflection. I will purify my verbal actions through repeated reflection. I will purify my mental actions through repeated reflection.' That's how you should train yourself."

That is what the Blessed One said. Gratified, Ven. Rahula delighted in the Blessed One's words.

Translator Bhikkhu's notes:

translat-01: Rahula: the Buddha's son, who according to the Commentary was seven years old when this discourse was delivered to him. translat-01b

translat-02 : Samañña. Throughout ancient cultures, the terminology of music was used to describe the moral quality of people and actions. Discordant intervals or poorly-tuned musical instruments were metaphors for evil; harmonious intervals and well-tuned instruments, metaphors for good. In Pali, the term sama — "even" — described an instrument tuned on-pitch. There is a famous passage (in AN 6.55 (online link chk 140407) where the Buddha reminds Sona Kolivisa — who had been over-exerting himself in the practice — that a lute sounds appealing only if the strings are neither too taut or too lax, but "evenly" tuned. This image would have special resonances with the Buddha's teaching on the middle way. It also adds meaning to the term samana — monk or contemplative — which the texts frequently mention as being derived from sama. The word samañña — "evenness," the quality of being in tune — also means the quality of being a contemplative: The true contemplative is always in tune with what is proper and good. translat-02b

See also (online link chk 140407): MN 62; MN 147.

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Bharhut inscriptions

-- UKT 140304

As a chemist, I was more interested in Chemistry than on old things like stone inscriptions. The only one I had heard of was the Myazédi inscription in Pagan. Only after retirement as a professor of chemistry from the Myanmarpré university service at the age of almost 60, have I come to know of Asoka's stone inscriptions. I was wonder struck to find that there is commonality between the script of Asoka (now wrongly dubbed Brahmi, and consequently thought to be of the Hindu-religion) and Myanmar {ka.kri: hka.hkwé:} which I adore. So the Myanmar-script, used to write the Burmese speech, Mon speech, Shan speech, etc., must have directly descended from the oldest stone inscriptions found on the Indian sub-continent. That Myanmar-script had evolved from a South-Indian script, as we have been taught in school, is a gross error perhaps perpetrated by the British colonialists to belittle my ancestral country to justify their military occupation on false pretexts. I then sensed that the error was largely due to misunderstanding of the script and speech.

Now I am finding that there are other stone inscriptions connected to Buddhism in India, and those found at Bharhut, in Central India, is an example.

From Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bharhut 140304

Bharhut (Hindi: भरहुत = भ र ह ु त --> {Ba.ra.hu.ta.} or {Ba.ra.hoat}), is a location in Satna district in Madhya Pradesh, Central India, known for famous relics from a Buddhist stupa. The Bharhut sculptures represent some of the earliest examples of Indian and Buddhist art.

The Bharhut stupa may have been established by the Maurya king Asoka in the 3rd century BCE, but many works of art were apparently added during the Sunga period, with many friezes from the 2nd century BCE. An epigraph on the gateway mentions its erection "during the supremacy of the Sungas" [1] by Vatsiputra Dhanabhuti. [2]

The ruined stupa is still at Bharhut, however, the gateways and railings were dismantled and reassembled at the Indian Museum, Kolkata. They contain numerous birth stories of the Buddha's previous lives, or Jataka tales. Many of them are in the shape of large, round medallions. Two of the panels are at the Smithsonian. [3]

In conformity with the early aniconic phase of Buddhist art, the Buddha is only represented through symbols, such as the Dharma wheel, the Bodhi tree, an empty seat, footprints, or the triratana symbol.

The style represents the earliest phase of Indian art, and all characters are depicted wearing the Indian dhoti, except for one foreigner, thought to be an Indo-Greek soldier, with Buddhist symbolism. The Bharhut carvings are slightly earlier than the Sanchi carvings and the earlier Ajanta frescos.

An unusual feature of Bharhut panels is the inclusion of text in the narrative panels, often identifying the individuals. [4]

Alexander Cunningham visited Bharhut in 1873 and excavated the site in 1874. [5] His assistant J. D. Beglar continued the excavation in 1874, and also took many photographs.

UKT 140304: The British colonialists had been interested in Myanmarpré since the collapse of the Dutch East India Company in 1800. Their scholars, archeologists, linguists were in a way always connected to the military with the sole aim of invading a country to rob its wealth. Alexander Cunningham was such a person:
"Sir Alexander Cunningham KCIE CSI (23 January 1814 – 28 November 1893) was a British archaeologist and army engineer, known as the father of the Archaeological Survey of India. Both his brothers, Francis Cunningham and Joseph Cunningham became well known for their work in British India.
"He was appointed as the chief engineer of Burma in 1856 for two years, ..."
-- http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander_Cunningham 140304

The complex at Bharhut included a medieval temple (plate II), containing a colossal figure of Buddha, along with fragments of sculptures showing Buddha with images of Brahma, Indra etc. [6] Beglar also photographed a 10th-century Buddhist Sanskrit inscription, [7] about which now nothing is known. All the archaeological objects from the stupa have been moved to Calcutta's Indian Museum. [2] No antiquities exist at Bharhut now.

The inscriptions found at Bharhut are of considerable significance on tracing the history of early Indian Buddhism and Buddhist art. 136 inscriptions mention the donors. These include individuals from Vidisha, Purika (a town somewhere in the Vindhya mountains), Patliputra (Bihar), Karhad (Maharashtra), Bhojakata ( Vidarbha), Maharashtra, Kosambi (UP), Nasik (Maharashtra). 82 inscriptions serve as labels for panels depicting the Jatakas, life of Buddha, former Manushi Buddhas [UKT: Skt: Kāśyapa , Pal: Kassapa] , other stories and Yakshas and Yakshinis. [4]

UKT 140304: It is unfortunate that the authors are more interested in art and sculpture than in writing. A "language" means very little unless unless you give the speech (transient sound waves) and the script (the glyphs on stone, palm leaves, etc., in which it is recorded). Among the aksharas in the inset which I have reproduced, you can see that the script is the same as the Asoka script. I am interested in the akshara that depicts the /ŋ/ (velar) . From what I can get from this article the glyph that represents this sound is absent.

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